Monthly Archives: 十月 2008

Fighting for Muslim women’s rights bbc news

标准

Fighting for Muslim women’s rights

Some of the world’s leading Islamic feminists have been gathered in Barcelona for the third International Congress on Islamic Feminism, to discuss the issues women face in the Muslim world.

Some of the women taking part in the conference explained the problems in their home countries, and where they hoped to make progress.

ASMA BARLAS, Author, Pakistan

Religions always come into cultures, they don’t come into abstract and pure spaces. Islam came into a very patriarchal, tribal and misogynistic culture. One of the deepest damages to Islam has been its reduction to “Arabisation”.

Pakistani women protest

Islam is influenced by the culture of the country it enters

I’m not going to say that the Arabs are particularly misogynistic in a way that nobody else is, but I do think there are very particular traits and attitudes towards women that have crept into Islam.

I have a friend who has been studying the interface between what he calls the Persian models and the Arabist models of Islam in the subcontinent and surprise, surprise: the Arabist models are misogynistic, authoritarian, unitarian and the Persian models are much more plural and tolerant.

This is a fight on two fronts – on the one hand we are struggling against the kinds of oppression dominant in Muslim patriarch societies and, on the other, Western perceptions of Islam as necessarily monolithic, and confusing the ideals of Islam with the reality of Muslim lives.

If we read the Koran as a totality rather than pulling out random verses or half a line, that opens all kinds of possibilities for sexual equality.

 

RAFIAH AL-TALEI, journalist, Oman

Oman is relatively liberal, women are free to choose what to wear, and can choose their jobs and education. And the law does not require us to wear any particular form of clothing. But there are strong social and cultural factors – coming from the fact that we are in Arabia – that limit women.

Sharia is fair, but it is the wrong interpretations that are the problem. Male judges often don’t understand the principal goals of sharia

As a journalist, it has not been hard for me to work among men, but it has been hard for some of my colleagues whose families told them this was not “appropriate” work for them.

The biggest difficulties are the social and cultural factors, and some aspects of law. For example, women who marry a foreigner cannot pass on their nationality to their children, whereas men in that situation can.

Religion is not an issue in our struggle, although there are problems with family law about divorce and marriage status. Omani laws are based on sharia law. Sharia is fair, but it is the wrong interpretations that are the problem. Male judges often don’t understand the principal goals of sharia. We feel the law is fair, but ends up being unfair for women because of how judges interpret it.

Cultural and social factors often get mixed up with religion. Educated women can be more empowered and separate the two, but many don’t dare challenge the conventions.

 

 

NORANI OTHMAN, Scholar-activist, Malaysia

I don’t think it is any more difficult to be an Islamic feminist than a non-Muslim, or secular feminist.

A Muslim woman in Malaysia in a textiles shop

Asian Muslim states have very different traditions to Middle Eastern countries

Feminists in general have to face up to political and cultural obstacles, to achieve our objectives of women’s rights. Even Western feminists have had a similar history – having to engage with certain religious beliefs not conducive to gender equality.

Perhaps the only distinctive difference peculiar to Muslim feminists is that we are caught in the cross-currents of modernisation and a changing society, due to a modern economy on the one hand and the global resurgence of political Islam on the other.

Political Islam wants to impose a world view about the gender order that is not consistent with the realities and the lived experiences of Muslim men and women in contemporary society.

Our detractors would hurl empty accusations at us – calling us Western, secular or anti-Islamic

There is a difference between South East Asian Muslim countries and the ones in the Middle East – culturally we are less patriarchal, we can always respond to our detractors by pointing out we don’t have the cultural practices that they do.

Our detractors would hurl empty accusations at us – calling us Western, secular or anti-Islamic.

Our arguments are rooted within Islam – we want renewal and transformation within the Islamic framework. They don’t like that.

We have a holistic approach, seeking gender equality within the Islamic framework, supported by constitutional guarantees. We see that these are not inconsistent with the message of the Koran, particularly during its formative stages. We have to understand the history and cultural context and extract the principle that will be applicable in modern times.

 

SITI MUSDAH MULIA, Academic, Indonesia

In my experience, I find that it is very difficult to make Indonesian Muslim women aware that politics is their right.

In Indonesian society, politics is always conceived as cruel and dirty, so not many women want to get involved, they think it is just for men.

According to the [radicalist] Islamic understanding, women should be confined to the home, and the domestic sphere alone

We try to make women understand that politics is one of our duties and rights and they can become involved without losing their femininity.

Personally, I’m non-partisan, I’m not linked to one political party because, in Indonesia, the political parties often discriminate against women.

I struggle from outside the political sphere to make it women-friendly, to reform political parties and the political system.

One day, I hope to be involved more directly, if the system becomes more women-friendly. We have passed a law about affirmative action and achieving 30% female representation, but we won’t see if it is implemented until after 2009 elections. We are waiting.

In Indonesia, some groups support us, but some radical groups oppose what we are trying to achieve. They accuse me, accuse feminist Muslims, of being infidels, of wanting to damage Islamic affairs.

According to their Islamic understanding, women should be confined to the home, and the domestic sphere alone.

 

AMINA WADUD, Academic, United States

There are many more conversations going on today between different interpretations of Islam. Some interpretations are very narrow, some are more broad, principled, ethically-based.

Unless we have sufficient knowledge about Islam, we cannot bring about reform of Islam. I am not talking about re-interpretation, I am talking more about gender-inclusive interpretation.

Turkish woman protesting for headscarf

Islam and feminism are not mutually exclusive

We have a lot of information about men’s interpretations of Islam, and of what it means to be a woman in Islam. We don’t have equal amounts of information about what women say it means to be a good woman in Islam.

Now it’s time for men to be active listeners, and after listening, to be active participants in bringing about reform.

There is a tendency to say that it is Islam that prohibits women from driving a car, for example, when women drive cars all over the world except in one country. So then you know it is not Islam. Islam has much more flexibility, but patriarchy tends to have the same objective, and that is to limit our ability to understand ourselves as Muslims.

I have always defined myself as pro-faith and pro-feminism.

I do not wish to sacrifice my faith for anybody’s conception of feminism, nor do I sacrifice the struggle and actions for full equality of women, Muslim and non-Muslim women, for any religion. Islamic feminism is not an either/or, you can be Muslim and feminist and strive for women’s rights and not call yourself a feminist.

 

FATIMA KHAFAJI, Consultant, Egypt

In Egypt, Islamic feminism is a way for women activists to reach a large number of ordinary women in the villages and in urban low-income areas, using a framework of Islam. So there would be a reference to Islam when talking about women’s rights. Experience has shown that that is an easy way to get women to accept what you’re saying.

Not many women get information about women’s rights easily, so you have to counter what has been fed to them, to both men and women, from the strict, conventional, religious people who have more access to women.

They have their own idea of women’s rights in Islam – that is, patriarchal, still limiting opportunities for women. But women have been receiving this concept for ages, through the radio, TV, mosques, so the challenge is how to give them another view, of enlightened Islam, that talks about changing gender roles. It’s not an easy job.

Sexual harassment is happening because men think the control of women’s bodies is a matter for them

Historically, in Egypt in the feminist movement, there have been both Muslim and Christian women. It has never been a problem. Unfortunately nowadays, it has become a problem. Religious discrimination has been dividing people very much. We have to think carefully about how to supersede the differences.

With family law, we’re aiming to change the philosophy of the law itself. Traditional family law puts women down. I can see this whole notion of “women do not have control over their bodies” in so many laws, in the penal code and family law. For example, sexual harassment is happening because men think the control of women’s bodies is a matter for them. Even the decision whether to have children is the decision of men. This whole notion has to be changed in a dramatic way if we are really going to talk about women’s rights in Egypt.

新中國成立以來中央地方關係的變遷

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    中央政府對於中央集權與地方分權關係的調節,一方面是從國民經濟發展的需要出發,另一方面,則取決於黨政關係和政治形勢的發展。但在改革開放以前,後者的作用一直居於主要方面。改革開放後,隨著“發展是硬道理”的思想越來越深入人心,這種調節就主要取決於國民經濟發展的現實要求,從而使中央地方關係的調節逐步走上良性的循環。

一、初創時期(1949-51):建國初,中央政府的形式尚未成型。中央人民政府委員會,具有國家權力機關和國家行政機關雙重性質。地方行政建制,也尚未成形。既在省以上設立大行政區,又在縣與鄉之間加上區一級政府。

二、規範時期(195255):在經濟恢復時期以後,規範化的意識開始出現。大行政區人民政府或軍政委員會先改爲行政委員會,後來連這一機構也取消了。第一部憲法(1954年9月20日)和地方政府組織法正式頒佈實行,設立國家主席作爲國家元首,設立最高權力機關——全國人民代表大會國務院成爲國家最高行政機關,中央地方關係明顯趨向於中央集權权力机关和行政机关的分开

三、放權時期(195659):在中央高度集權的體制下,形成條條專政,從而限制了地方,管死了企業。1956年毛澤東發表《論十大關係》,傾向於向地方適當放權,強調發揮中央和地方兩個積極性。中央企事業單位從1957年的9300多個驟減至第二年的1200多個,下放了88%

四、集權時期(195961):由於權力下放過猛、過多、過散,中央政府對地方失控,全國的經濟與社會發展陷入無序狀態。爲了扭轉這種混亂局面,中央在59年上半年,開始調整,收權。加上“大躍進”運動的徹底失敗,國民經濟處於困難時期,十分需要全國統一協調,因此從60年起,中央進行大收權。中共中央首先決定在全國範圍內重新建立六個中央局,作爲黨中央的派出機構,加強對各省市自治區黨委的領導。黨中央規定這次收權的原則是“大權獨攬,小權分散”。鐘擺又擺回到中央高度集權狀況。

五、党集權時期(196165)。50年代末的縱向放權是將一部分屬於中央政府及其所轄部門的權力下放給地方,而60年代前期的縱向收權並不是將權力收歸中央政府及其所屬部門,而是收歸黨的系統。這是政治與行政體制在50年代後期進行縱向行政放權的同時,開始進行橫向政治集權、建立黨政不分體制的必然結果。而且各大區在設立黨的中央局後,並未相應設立同級政府派出機構,在這一級,黨政完全一體。1964年,毛澤東提出,在一切部門中都必須實行黨委領導的制度。從此各政府部門和企事業單位的行政事務管理權,均由本部門本單位的黨組或黨委統攬。中央與地方、地方與地方之間的政府行政關係完全被黨內的組織關係所取代,中央集權的實質就是黨中央集權。再進一步變成黨中央主席集權。

六、失範時期(1966-76)。文化革命開始以前,毛澤東就已再次提出權力下放問題。1969年,他指示把鞍山鋼鐵公司下放給遼寧省。70年底,又提出兩個積極性的觀點。這一時期,國家行政的運轉處於極不正常的狀態。文化大革命使國家的政治與行政體制嚴重癱瘓,黨中央雖高度集權,但是地方卻處於無政府狀態,國民經濟也因此面臨嚴重危機。爲了使經濟形勢好轉,不能不採取下放權力的措施。從70年起在“打倒條條專政”的口號下,又進行了一次並不成功的大規模權力“下放──回收”的循環。70年中央各民用部門的企事業單位由1965年的一萬有餘下降到五百多個。但是過快的大規模的權力下放,使經濟生活陷入混亂,出現了與五十年代末同樣的弊病。1971年“九一三事件”以後,中央逐步收回了大軍區對省、市、自治區實行一元化領導的權力,1973年,鄧小平恢復工作後,又有計劃地收回了一些不應下放的管理權,加強國家對經濟生活的集中統一領導。

七、調整時期(197779)。文化大革命結束後,爲了扭轉經濟上的混亂局面,從77年開始,進一步調整中央與地方的財政關係。首先,加強了鐵路、郵電、民航等部門的集中統一領導。其次調整了一部分工業企業的隸屬關係。把在文化革命中下放的一批大型骨幹企業陸續上收;雖然鄧小平對毛澤東在文化大革命時期的理論、路線、方針、政策作了根本性的調整,但在中央地方關係方面,他基本上繼承了毛澤東向地方下放權力的思想。

八、改革時期(1980–  )。對中央與地方及地方與地方的政府間關係進行了較大的調整:1)1982年新憲法和地方人大與政府組織法,以列舉的方式,規定了中央與省級政府之間,各級地方政府之間的職權範圍。2)改革過去的一級立法體制,明確規定我國的兩級立法體制(我国的立法体制:一元(单一制,也就是只有一个立法系统)二极(中央和地方)多层次(中央立法和地方立法都分层次),擴大了省市自治區國家權力機關的立法權。3)1980年推出了“劃分收支、分級包幹”的財政管理體制4)擴大城市政府經濟管理權限,由中央部屬和省屬的企業原則上都下放給所在城市管理。另外通過地市合併,市管縣的改革,擴大城市的行政管理範圍,對某些中心城市實行計劃單列,擴大中心城市的經濟管理權。

 

 這一時期的改革總體上有利經濟發展。但新體制的全面確立跟不上經濟的發展,加上政企關係一直沒有理順,結果在中央向企業和地方放權以後,出現了地方勢力擴大,中央權力縮小,權威流失的現象。中央因控制資源有限,對社會的宏觀調控能力削弱。中央地方關係走入一個誤區。爲了擺脫這一局面,中央決心在推動市場經濟的基礎上,從根本上改變調節中央與地方關係的模式,在分稅制的基礎上確立新型的中央與地方關係。從94年起,政府間關係出現了全面再造時期。95年確立了社會主義市場經濟的方向,市場經濟開始成爲調節國民經濟發展的杠杆,並直接影響中央地方關係。此後,中央又加強了宏觀調控的力度,尤其在金融方面,採取了嚴格的集權措施。但是在市場經濟條件下如何處理中央地方關係,目前還是處於摸索過程中。

apply for scholarship

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1. Explain the reasons why you have chosen your particular programe of study and how this knowledge will enable you to serve yourself and the community?

 

I take Government and International Studies as my major accidentally, it was interesting that when I saw this major, I felt driven to choose it. Of three years struggling with National College Entrance Exam, I had been losing something vital to me—that is ambition. In retrospect, my several years of education as a obedient followers had turned me from a maximizer to a satisfier, from a kid welcoming challenges and changes to a quasi—sophisticated—adult harboring the opinion that “ come on, things might be worse, and enjoy what you have”. But the world there is not the one purely for our joy, and what is more important, the world is there to expecting change and improvement.

When studying in the quiet campus, I cheated myself that the world was tranquil and everyone else was happy. However, I could never lie to myself when I am obliged to browse the news everyday and shocked by starvation in Africa, by war and severe conflicts in Al—Qaeda, by retired Americans’ helplessly asking “Need I still work to survive?” in the Financial Tsunami. I even lost my chance to defend mainland China in front of those who misunderstand and blame my motherland when I found I myself did not know fully about my country. Pure patriotism won’t work in this place at this time. I have to be equipped by some certain authoritative and strong knowledge.

I could not exaggerate the impact of Government and International Studies. At least I know there is room to change to improve; at least I am lucky to be informed that there are approaches to understand the world and discover the problems; at least courage comes back to me to help me to do some mission impossible; at least I am brave enough to apply this hot scholarship in the name of an ordinary student who possesses the lost-and-found ambition and who never lose the desire to help others.

The GIS program is helping me substantially, and is on the way to serving the community. Why?  Serving the community is not merely a warm heart and a waste of few hours in an orphanage doing nothing valuable but smiling to the poor kids and confirming that there are people who need our help. Ideal though, I would like to be more than that and be different. Nurses are indispensable, but what if there are no doctors, the sick would suffer till death with white angels surrounding them and comforting them. The world is not short of warm-hearted angels, but moral masters, i.e. moral leaders.

Ironically, I take Moral Leadership to avoid being amoral as a politician student. Clearly enough, leadership is a value-laden power and relationship between leaders and follower who want real changes based on mutual purposes and goals. Leaders can not avoid personal cost and social cost, in most cases, too harsh for common people to burden. Gandhi cost his elder son, and Mandela cost 27 years life in prison. I keep asking myself what if you have to pay for your ambition, would you stand out and fight till the last minute? In the past I definitely answered “no, since I have responsibility for myself”, and now my response is “probably. Social and personal cost makes one’s life meaningful, but I might not be capable and persistent enough because of many factors such as lack of knowledge and fund( I do not want my parents pay for my ambition and decision)”, I can foresee I am destined to say  “ of course” in the future with my crystal ball of “ political crystal” and “ rays of light called morality”.

红尘中的独处 独处中的环抱

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红尘中的独处 独处中的环抱

这本薄薄的散文集,让我大悲大喜大平静。它的名字叫清欢。清欢之中,有禅心的体悟,有轻而易举的欢愉,有与世无争的潇洒,有轮回与转世的玄机,有近乎苛刻的人生享受。看着这些文章,我的心情跟着起起伏伏,出世入世,刚刚被一篇文章说服马上去寺庙里剃发为尼敲木鱼,下一篇文章中对于尘世生活的乐趣又告诉我想清楚方作决定。这正反映了林清玄的生活方式。他不是闭关修炼,远离尘世,隔绝污浊,而是大隐隐于的智慧和潇洒。

这本小册子是二十世纪中国著名作家散文经典系列中的一本,据编辑的讲法,是献二十世纪的百花缤纷的散文给二十一世纪的读者。清欢是一篇散文的名字,把这个名字拿来当作全书的名字,有些片面。不是每篇文章都清清静静,也有牵肠挂肚撕心裂肺的对于故乡的思念,也有近乎于唠叨与迂腐的母亲对宝贝儿子的爱,更有近乎疯狂的对于食物的执著追求的雅士。我更倾向红尘中的独处 独处中的环抱在红尘中要有独处的心,独处时要有人群的拥抱。这是林清玄在修炼之后写下的。进出自由,来去潇洒,不走极端,自身修炼又不失社会的融入。

整本书的论调比较轻松,不乏深度。他心中的欢愉不过简单到学生时代吮吸熟透的朱槿花花露那种属于春天欢愉。这种简简单单的快乐感,引起了我的共鸣,陡然意识到,原来快乐,是一种对自然的感激,对生活的欣赏,对简单的满足。他的深度于他经历的丰富。他并非吃不到葡萄就说葡萄酸,赚不到富足生活就说贫困生活好的人。他前途无量,过着殷实的生活,在这样的前提下,林生还念念不忘儿时纯粹欢愉,更说明了清欢柔软的力量,越是柔软越是坚不可摧持久。但是,我也深深地问着自己,是不是我可以直接跳跃到他富足之后的精神状态对物质条件的不屑,对于心灵品位的侧重呢?换句话说,我是不是应该钻进自己的小小世界,满足于简简单单的感动,不和俗人争俗物呢?我想答案是否定的。我甚至觉得林清玄的文章(虽然他的文章中明确提到了人不应该被外界所困扰所诱惑所举棋不定)和生活方式本身是对于我的一种外界的诱惑。他描述的美好世界和生活让我对现在的一切感到厌倦和无可奈何。我想休学沿着他的足迹去尼罗河边吃烧烤然后痛痛快快拉肚子,我想去台北近郊的山上饮一杯无名人每天清晨抬到山上给陌生人准备的清凉水,我想像他看到儿时的一张泡泡糖纸一样陷入回忆的虚拟当中,想与世无求甚至求败,想跟着他坐在日本料理店内的长板条上吃厨师推荐的美味的生鱼片,更想立刻回到父母身边听他们讲故事,被他们永远呵护着。这些被我们忘却的幸福或者没有体验过的幸福一旦被我记起来或者有欲望去尝试,便一发不可收拾,让我深深地感到了现实的无奈和不满。越是清欢,越是让我着急得去获得去体验。我想快乐和感动也许不应该具体化。因为人总是有尝试和体验的冲动,然而一旦条件不允许或者得不到便会产生抑郁的情感。

有的时候,对于这种分享自己的快乐的人,我是又爱恨,爱的是他们为我打开了一道大门,光亮从门缝中射进来的一瞬间,我的内心被温暖被照亮,欣慰,希望占据了我的心灵。恨的是当门被打开,光亮之后的那个世界原来就是我天天生活的世界,我天天抱怨的世界,我无可奈何的世界,那个五浊恶世。

我想在这个世界上,哪怕是最最简单的快乐都是有条件的。并不是纯粹的林清玄所说的自我心扉的突然洞开。一个天天忙着自己生计的人不满足于朱槿花的甘,一个没有获得过物质世界带来的优越感成就感特权感的人,也不会放弃对于名利的追求,因为他还没有感受到,他不能因为别人的言论就确定名利对于他自身也是不好的。其实林清玄自己也提到过花开是一种有情,是一种内在生命的完成我们也应该蓄积,饱满,开放,永远追求自我的完成。我知道他强调的是自我的完成。但是完成自我远远比完成世俗的一些事务要艰难得多。脱离尘世的纯粹的自我追求有急功近利的成分,有绝望的成分,因为这样的成就感来得太慢又太难衡量。我前不久看到一则有趣的研究报告,说那些恐怖分子人肉炸弹绝大多数当地有文化的中产阶级,而穷困潦倒的人。他们生活有保证之余,才有觉悟去为宗教而战,为信仰而战。

所以很奇怪的是,我发现当自己读完这样一本书之后,感受到的不是小河潺潺流水般的熨帖,而是奋斗的动力。有些讽刺的意味在其中。我想林清玄先生的本意也不是让每个青年人都和尘世隔绝,禁锢在自己的小世界吧。这种节选生命中美好的瞬间的文章的确让我很受诱惑,甚至差点掉入温柔的陷阱之中。就像欺骗不是生命的全部一样,美好清幽淡定执著也不是生命的全部。我只能接受生命的全部珍惜今天的所有,也许今天的平淡就是明天美好回忆的源泉。

 

book review ( the great him? the ugly him?)

标准

the private life of Chairman Mao–the inside story of the man who made modern China, is the most shocking ever book i have read. the author  Dr.Li Zhisui, Mao’s personal physician  as well as Mao’s confidant and constant companion ,served Mao for 22 years. in this book there are many extrodinary details of Mao’s private life–as the introduction described–” Mao’s enormous sexual appetites, the luxury and corruption of his imperial court,  i try to find a balance point between the content of the book and my own impression of Chairman Mao. but i faied. it seems that what the author, Dr.Li Zhisui, described in his book ” The private life of Chairman Mao– the inside story of the man who made modern China” , was true but too true to believe, at least i can not accept the ugly side of Mao as Li illustrated in the book from my consientious. i feel like being persuaded by Dr. Li, who is Mao’s personal physician for 22 years, is kind of betrayal to what i have learn about Mao about China, and a kind of betrayal to our savior, Chairman Mao. but anyway i have to accept some truth and have a more objective idea of Mao Zedong.

i find an interesting phenomenon about the cover of the books about Mao Zedong.  covers of those which praise Mao Zedong show either a smiling Mao or a young Mao who looks wise and nice. while covers of those which criticize Mao as a dictator or reveal his private life and ugly side show a myserious Mao, even though a smiling face, it looks as if something is hidden behind the hostile smile.

the tools of those critics include Mao’s deviation and the extraordinary details of Mao’s private life, which is the main content of this book. it is much easier for peopel to have a bad impression of Mao Zedong. just think about how many innocent people starved to death in the Great Leap Forward; how many people suffered tremendous injustice and humiliation in the craze of Cultural Revolution. and what is worse, once you suddenly know Mao’s enormous sexual appetites, the luxury and corruption of his compound, which was just like a palace,  you could not help hating him and feeling sorry that you have been cheated for so many years by this greatest ever lier, which is exactly the purpose of the book.

actually, Mao did not cheat us on purpose, rather, he hid something from the public.  he lived in a compound where is the best protected place on earth (as Dr.Li said in the book), with armed bodygurads and external guards everywhere. his life was a mystery to the public until Dr. Li, who served Mao as a confidant and constant companion published the book and we had a chance to cast a look at Mao’s daily life and cultivate our hatred of Mao.

start from his luxirous life. after his death, his old and worn clothes are exhibited on the musuem to show how frugal our Chairman was in his life. this is only the appearance, and showy stuff.  with this misleading information that Mao leads a simple and frugal life, how could i believe that the food in Mao’s table has been analyzed through two laboratories–one to analyze the freshness and nutrition value; while the other is intended for test for poison.  then the food was delieverd to a food-tasting service, to make sure it was delicious enough to serve Mao. the system and procudures were not merely for Mao. but also for high ranking leaders, which cost a big fortune and a big burden for the newly-established country with miserable economy. if we can bear the luxurous life Mao conducted, if we bear the “good” example he set for the top leader in central government and provinces, then we can not bear Mao’s educating the youths they should “chi ku” , which means to suffer hardship, then we can not bear that the still existing food system and the recent  contaminated milk scandle. i do not mean that the leaders, who had made enormous contributions to our country, are not qualified to enjoy the life, and everybody has the rights to pursue an ideal and comfortable life. not only do leaders have, but also the multitude. multitude give up their rights nature had presented them to the newly built government not because the government is born excellent, but the government will lead them to the greatest pleasure of the greates people. utilitarianism, which i dont recognize it as a real morality. ironically, after i realize the food system of the top leaders, i find the utilitarian is absolutely a morailty, even a virtue. at least they consider the greatest amount of people, the balance of pain and pleasure. Mao and his high-ranking collegues seemed to put themselves at  two high a place that they dont regard themselves as ordinary people and did not want to live the same way as many others did. it was a seperation from the mass, which was conflicting with the policy to unite the mass in United Front. sometimes hardships unite people together instead of in peaceful times. and other reason why i can not tolerate the privilege of the senior officials has something to do with the milk scandle–a hot issue today.  Milik scandle makes me feel humiliated and i could not even have any excuses to persuade others to forgive the Chinese government, as i always try. the more i dig in the reason, the more shameful i feel. nowadays, the senior officials still have their own food system, which is different from the civilians. one company called Sanyuan has no scandle in this issue. why? because Sanyuan offers milk to senior officials in central government. the government is never innocent. instead, she knows everything, so she is responsible for everything that is offtrack. i am confused that when some leader of the party says: youths are the hope of our future and we depend on you. what if so many infants dont even have a chance to grow up to be a youth because of tainted milk?  yes, i believe Mao, as well, would feel sorry for these innocent babies. his concern about only himself and significant leaders disgusted me and make me doubt whether he really meaned that ” youth is the sun in 0800 or 0900 oclock”, to him, Youths was only a means rather an ends. it was kind of immoral. you might argue that in the Culture Revolution, he supported youths and had hope in the youths, but as long as he found the youths were feuding and factionalized, which was beneficial to him at all, what he did was not help and correct them, but turn the focus on workers. was it so called ” care for youths”? i dont think so.

not to mention ” care for youths”, he paid little attention to his own children. the reason is simple, he had too many children to rear, and besides he had too little time and energy to take care of them.

what about ” care for his close comrades”? obviously it could not be any care for his comrades, especially those who were at odds with him. indeed, Mao advocated yanan, Long March spirit, which sounds full of love for people and others, which were intended to unite everyone and serve the people heart and soul. they were so ideal and abstract that it could not be carried out and stayed only as spirit without any constructive meaning in action. why Dr.Li knowed so much about Mao. because Mao had few friend, that is to say, he hardly had any one to trust. especially in his later years, he was too suspious that he kept thinking someone was going to poison him and kept moving from one place to another. when Mao suffered insomnia, he called Dr. Li no matter how late it was and chatted with him, generating information from Dr.Li as well as inputting ideological information to Dr. Li. there was no respect for the comrade, not to mention love. what i think is funny is that Dr.Li became Mao’s physician was just like a joke, and nobody asked whether Dr.Li was willing to serve Mao. of course at that time ,everyone could not wait to do something for their beloved Mao, but from today’s perspective, it is rather a deprivation than a gift. talking about deprivation, i think abut Liu Shaoqi , the second only to Mao for a long period in China. he was close comarade of Mao Zedong, or he had not promoted to such a senior place. however, when Liu Shaoqi was humiliated by the Gang of Four at the age of nealy 70, Mao did not take any actions. Mao’s action really mattered, since he could save many his young women( his sexual companions) and  even saved Dr.Li even though Dr.Li had a “bad” background and was the target the Gang of Four(Jiang Qing, Mao’s wife, even set a trap for Dr.Li, but she could do nothing if Mao was determined to protect Dr.Li). with his influence and pressure on the Gang of Four. if he decided to help his comrade, Liu had not had such a tragic ending of his life.

when i finished the book, i sadly find myself have almost the same idea with westerns do of Mao Zedong. a dictator, a cunning man without love, a man whoes sexual appetite was enormous, and a man who never kept his promises. if i have an excuse for Mao’s cruality, that is the theory of Machiavelli, he mentioned in the book of the ” Prince”, that for a newly built princedom, violence can be used , but only for once. that is to say ,for the stability of the newly built princedom, we can kill those who might topple down the government. But only once.  count how many times Mao used violence. radical land reform, anti-rightist, cultural revolution, and in many cases, those who died in these movement, still greatly respected Mao before death. many people died out of despair.  Dr. Li might put it best: under the KMT, no matter how bad things got, it was always possible to run away. under the Communists, there was no where to go. there was hope, and there was disappoinment, but there was a kind of stubborness that China’s Communist Party could lead a good life for people, and the ideological belief imprinted in people’s mind at that time. people have nowhere to turn to for help. i still remember clearly that in the book, Dr. Li mentioned when Mao wrote a note to a factory, how people responded. ” mao’s note was postd on the bulletin board in the factory courtyard, where everyone came and look. then the factory leaders took a photograph of the note and had it enlarged to hundreds of times its original size. the inscription was as big as a wall. the enlarged photo was hung at the entrance to the factory for everyone to see whenever they arrived for work.” i still remember that when Mao presented mangoes to workers to gain their support, the workers regard the mango as divine, and queue to have a look at it until it was rotten. and the leader in the factory peeled the mango and took the fresh part to boil mango water and distributed to the workers , before they drink the mango water, they even had a ceremony. sounds silly to me. but it happened at that time!

indeed peopel at that time needed a spiritual support. no matter whether the one they love really love them. Mao was just right there,  guided people and worshipped by people.maybe he even neednt to love people at all. anyway, people loved him.

i wake up, from the fantasy dream that Chairman Mao is a perfect person without defects. and also i wake up, from the nightmare that dictator Mao was an evil whose private life was totally a mess. my alarm oclock is the facts and some philosophors’ explanation of a leader, especially a political leader.