Monthly Archives: 一月 2009

“中国责任论”是“强盗逻辑” —美国金融海啸原因分析

标准

信息来源于四川新闻网 / Cited from http://www.newssc.org/

  针对境外媒体有关“中国高储蓄助长了美国过度消费并形成了资产价格泡沫,是本次金融危机爆发根源”的说法,中国人民银行金融研究所所长宣昌能16日在国务院新闻办举行的新闻通气会上表示,是美国经济政策的失误、金融监管的缺失以及金融机构漠视风险控制等因素导致了金融危机的发生,把金融危机归咎于中国没有道理。

  美国“多重缺陷”才是祸根 

  如何看待“中国责任论”?为什么会出现这样的言论?记者16日就此采访了中国人民银行研究局局长张健华。

  此次全球性的金融危机尚未结束,现在进行全面的经验教训总结也许还为时过早,但从各种主流的观点来看,美国宏观经济政策失误、世界金融体系存在的重大缺陷以及监管不足等问题无疑是导致此次危机爆发的最重要原因。

  张健华分析,从宏观层面来看,美国的经济政策只关注了其国内问题,忽视了美元作为国际货币应承担的责任,最终酿成此次危机。2000年美国网络经济泡沫破裂,为刺激经济,美联储13次降低联邦基金利率,直至2003年6月至2004年6月的历史最低点1%,并将如此低的利率水平保持了相当长时间。就财政政策而言,2001年之后,美国政府一方面进行大规模的减税以刺激经济增长,使原本已经过度依靠消费拉动的经济结构进一步失衡;另一方面,阿富汗和伊拉克两场战争导致美国政府开支及赤字不断扩大。美国所实施的赤字财政政策和大规模减税计划,在刺激经济增长的同时,也催生了房地产泡沫的形成和扩大。资产价格过高引发的“财富效应”,又进一步刺激了美国过度消费,直至危机爆发。

  从微观层面和监管角度来看,此次危机暴露出的问题更为突出。

  一是以美国大型投资银行为代表的许多金融机构在公司治理和风险管理方面存在严重缺陷。这些机构漠视风险控制,追求短期利益,缺乏制衡机制,为危机的爆发埋下了隐患。

  二是创新过度导致金融风险扩大化。正常的金融创新有利于提高资金使用效率和分散金融风险,但过度的衍生加上缺乏有效监管,导致了金融机构风险与收益不匹配,风险不仅没有分散掉,反而被放大许多。

  三是金融监管体系存在重大的缺陷。

  美国低储蓄、高逆差根在自身

  即将卸任的美国财长保尔森在接受英国《金融时报》访问时,把金融危机和全球经济失衡的根源主要归咎于中国等国的高储蓄率。对此,张健华称,这种观点是极其荒谬和不负责任的,属于“强盗逻辑”。此次金融危机是在全球经济失衡的背景下爆发的。从表面上看,金融危机似乎和全球贸易失衡存在着某种关联。但刚才我们谈过,美国的经济政策、金融监管和金融市场的多重失误,才是造成危机的根本原因。如果将全球经济失衡归咎于顺差国,显然是推卸责任,也立不住脚。

  美国低储蓄、高逆差是其长期以来的政策选择和消费习惯造成的,中国的高储蓄、高顺差不是美国低储蓄、高逆差的原因。从时间上来看,中国高顺差与美国低储蓄的出现存在明显的时期差异,两者之间并无因果关系。

  导致美国高消费和巨额逆差的根本原因,一是美国自身扩张型的国内政策刺激了个人消费增长和公共开支扩大,导致居民个人和政府储蓄率不断降低;二是美国在大量进口消费品以满足本国市场需求的同时,却对出口设置各种障碍,阻止本国高新技术产品出口到发展中国家。两方面的综合作用导致美国储蓄率持续下降和贸易逆差大幅上升。

  10年来,亚洲国家尤其是受亚洲金融危机冲击的主要国家吸取教训,增加了国际储备和国内储蓄,提高了抵御金融危机的能力,现在却又被西方国家的某些人看成是导致金融危机的根源,其论调明显自相矛盾。

  张健华认为,“中国责任论”的说法除了是为西方一些主要国家自身经济政策失误及监管不力开脱外,恐怕也是为这些国家今后出台贸易保护主义措施或对中国进一步施压寻找借口。对此我们必须有清醒的认识并予以澄清。新华社

美国的制衡机制真的不健全吗?如果不健全,怎么撑到现在才爆发?这是不是一场政治阴谋?

创新过度也是导致金融风险的原因吗?

金融监管体系的重大缺陷?

摘录 香港明報:以巴衝突竟成新聞“票房毒藥”

标准

  以巴衝突是新聞的“票房毒藥”。傳媒的論述永遠跟隨這公式:先是巴勒斯坦人、哈馬斯之流發動襲擊、發射火箭,以色列然後還擊,其間有多少平民傷亡,最後就由國際聲音,要求雙方停火。   為何哈馬斯要射火箭?巴勒斯坦組織為何要攻擊以色列?傳媒從來沒有提及。看新聞後,一般人也不明白雙方有何恩怨,為何打了數十年?   沒有一方完全正確或錯誤   以巴衝突,不是正義和邪惡之爭,而是兩個多災多難的民族,不幸地成為敵人,沒有一方完全正確或錯誤。要簡單解釋以巴衝突是不可能,只有追溯歷史才會理解,雙方仇恨為何這麼深,巴勒斯坦人為何要發動恐怖襲擊。   猶太人居於巴勒斯坦地(即以色列的國土),始于舊約聖經年代,公元1世紀左右,猶太人起義對抗羅馬帝國失敗,猶太人被驅逐出巴勒斯坦地。直至19世紀末期,猶太復國主義興起,才有聲音呼籲世界各地的猶太人移民到巴勒斯坦,重新建國。   猶太復國主義者揚言,在巴勒斯坦建國最好,因為我們沒有國家(A people without land),巴勒斯坦地則沒有人民(A land without people)。但實情是,巴勒斯坦地根本不是荒地,而是住滿了巴勒斯坦人。   由於雄厚的財力,猶太人逐漸把巴勒斯坦地上可買的土地都買下來,大多數的新地主都把土地上的巴勒斯坦農民趕走,只聘請猶太籍勞工。巴勒斯坦人才明白猶太人的企圖。   第一次世界大戰,經猶太人團體游說拉攏,英國政府1917年宣佈聞名的《巴爾福宣言》(Balfour Declaration),公開承諾將協助猶太人在巴勒斯坦地建立一個家園。巴勒斯坦的悲劇,由這刻正式開始。   一戰後,巴勒斯坦歸英國托管,英國滿以為巴勒斯坦地有戰略價值,既是埃及的緩衝地,甚至可能有石油。結果,巴勒斯坦什麼石油也沒有,只有猶太人和巴勒斯坦人不斷的衝突,英國政府才醒覺,要巴勒斯坦政府正常運作又要幫猶太人在未來建國,是互相矛盾,根本不可能。   由於巴勒斯坦地實在太貧瘠,移民到巴勒斯坦的猶太人也不多,直至納粹德國的抬頭冒起,猶太移民才顯著增加,但仍然遠不及巴勒斯坦人多。猶太人與巴勒斯坦人的衝突也愈來愈嚴重。1936年,巴勒斯坦人終於爆發大規模起義反英,英殖民政府花了3年,二戰前夕才把起義鎮壓。   希特勒屠殺猶太人,讓猶太人復國的願望成真。劫後餘生的歐洲猶太人,有很多選擇要去巴勒斯坦(更多去了美國),猶太人在巴勒斯坦的人口,激增至接近三分一。戰後已近破產的英國,也不願意再無止境負擔管治巴勒斯坦的開支,巴勒斯坦的前途,就交由新成立的聯合國 決定。   在美蘇兩國的支持下,聯合國決定將巴勒斯坦切開兩份,一個以色列國、一個是巴勒斯坦國,雙方的國土有如扭麻花形狀。巴勒斯坦人強烈反對,明明是他們占大多數、也是世世代代居於此,為何要把一半土地,讓給新來的猶太人?但猶太人就支持方案,因為方案對他們有利,以小于一半人口比例,但就可以分到一半土地。   以色列立國後 阿拉伯世界即宣戰   以色列在1948年宣佈立國後,阿拉伯世界隨即向以色列宣戰,意圖消滅以色列國于萌芽時。但戰術失當及不團結,阿拉伯聯軍被以色列軍打敗,以色列甚至有能力攻佔額外的領土,及用恐嚇等手段,把領土內的巴勒斯坦人盡可能驅逐出境,又不讓躲避戰火的巴勒斯坦人于戰爭後重返家園。巴勒斯坦難民問題,就是在這天起產生。   剩下未被以色列攻佔的領土,就是約旦河西岸及加沙地帶。加沙給埃及吞併,西岸就被約旦吞併。   1967年,以色列在6日戰爭中再一次擊敗阿拉伯聯軍。這次,以色列吞併了加沙、聖城耶路撒冷、西岸、?利亞的戈蘭高地及埃及的西奈半島。聯合國雖然通過決議,要求以色列由佔領的土地上撤軍,但以色列只是于1979年起由西奈撤軍。同時間,以色列又在佔領區內,建立多猶太人殖民區。   同時,巴勒斯坦人終於明白,建國只能靠自己,阿拉伯國家是靠不住的,阿拉法特的巴勒斯坦解放組織、法塔赫等武裝組織才相繼成立,並開始用恐怖襲擊等手段威脅以色列,以及讓國際社會明白,巴勒斯坦人要求建國的呼聲。   20世紀80年代後期,巴解願意放棄消滅以色列,以色列也願意與巴解談判後,和平進程曾有一線曙光。在美國推動下,雙方終於在1993年簽訂奧斯陸協議,簽和約的以色列總理拉賓和巴解主席阿拉法特取得翌年的諾貝爾和平獎。   冤冤相報 陷入新惡性循環   但雙方在和談後,分別在國內遇極大阻力,武裝組織哈馬斯堅決反對與以色列和談,但阿拉法特無能力控制哈馬斯,拉賓更遭國內右翼分子刺殺。同時,有以色列殖民在西岸希伯侖的清真寺亂槍掃射,巴勒斯坦人又發動襲擊報復。奧斯陸和平進程終於胎死腹中。   公元2000年,以色列總理沙龍硬闖東耶路撒冷的阿克薩(Al Aqsa)清真寺後,終於爆發巴人大規模起義。以軍鎮壓毫不手軟,巴勒斯坦死傷數以千計,沙龍更以反恐為名,在西岸築起大量圍牆及檢查站,限制巴人的出入自由。   衝突的根源,在於以色列侵佔人家土地,這次以色列與哈馬斯戰爭,只是這段歷史的延續,冤冤相報,陷入新的惡性循環。(莊曉陽)

gaza and the laws

标准

Gaza and the laws of war

But is it a crime?

Jan 15th 2009
From The Economist print edition

Israel is operating in the grey zone of international law

AFP

THE weeping of Ahmad Samouni was heart-rending (causing feelings of great sadness). From a hospital bed in Gaza, the 16-year-old broke into tears as he told a television interviewer how several members of his family had been killed in an Israeli strike. “My brother was bleeding so much and right in front of my eyes, he died. My other brother Ismail, he also bled to death. My mum and my youngest brother, they are gone. Four brothers and my mother, dead. May God give them peace.”

The plight of the Samouni clan stands out even amid the profligate (using money, time, materials in a careless way)bloodshed of Israel’s war in the Gaza Strip. According to survivors, about 100 members of the clan had been gathered by Israeli soldiers in a building in the Zeitun district on January 4th. The next day, it was struck by Israeli shells (a metal case filled with explosive, to be fired from a large gun) or missiles, killing about 30. Worse, Israeli forces are accused of preventing Palestinian paramedics (a person whose job is to help people who are sick or injured, but who is not a doctor or a nurse) from helping the survivors for two days. Samouni宗派的悲痛在以色列的狂轰滥炸中显得尤其剧烈.根据幸存者的描述,14号这天,这个派系的100个成员被以色列士兵聚集在Z区的一栋建筑内.第二天,这幢建筑就被以色列的导弹袭击,死亡30人左右.更糟糕的是,以色列军队被指控防止巴勒斯坦医护人员进入加沙地带.

 

“This is a shocking incident. The Israeli military must have been aware of the situation but did not assist the wounded,” said the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), not usually given to emotive language or public complaints about violations of humanitarian law. Navi Pillay, the United Nations’ High Commissioner for Human Rights, went further. The killings show “elements of what would constitute war crimes”, she said.这是一件很震惊的事件.以色列军队肯定已经认识到形式的严峻但是却不给伤员提供救助,”国际红十字组织的代表说,他们并不会就某个国家触犯人权法公开抱怨,儿这次他们这样做了.MP 联合国人权组合ide高级特派员更进一步阐述,这次事件中以色列的行径表现出战争罪的特征.

Israel replies that its army has looked into the claims and found no record of the incident at Zeitun. It claims that it is targeting Hamas only, and promises to improve “co-operation and co-ordination” with the ICRC. But Israel is vague about whether it will conduct a further inquiry, and tends to be wary of outside investigation. It declined to co-operate, for instance, with a UN inquiry into a shelling incident that killed 19 civilians in Gaza in 2006. This concluded that “there is a possibility that the shelling…constituted a war crime”. 以色列回复说他们的军队已经开始调查这样的诉讼并且没有发现任何有关z地区行动的记录.他们宣称以色列只是针对哈马斯,并且许诺与红十字协会改善合作和协调.但是以色列在他们是否会继续调查态度很模糊,并且以色列对于外界的调查也是十分谨慎的.以色列委婉拒绝合作,例如在06年的炸弹袭击中,加沙地带死了19个平民,当联合国要求进入调查的时候,以色列拒绝了.这可以说明这次袭击是有可能构成战争罪的.

Another contentious (likely to cause disagreement between people) incident in this war was the killing of more than 40 bystanders on January 6th near a UN school that was temporarily housing refugees. Here the Israeli army says that its soldiers were attacked by mortars (a heavy gun that fires bombs and shells high into the air; the bombs that are fired by this gun)fired “from within the school” and responded with mortar fire. But the UN strenuously denies that Hamas fighters were in the school. There is also the alleged use of white phosphorous shells: permitted as a smokescreen, but not over civilian areas. 另外一件有争议的事情就是在16号的时候以色列袭击了UN学校,这个学校是用来临时安置难民的.在这次袭击中40个无辜的人死亡.以色列军称他们的士兵是被哈马斯从UN学校里面射出的迫击炮袭击才导致反击的.但是UN坚持称哈马斯并没有在那所学校里面.同时以色列还被指控用了白磷炮弹:这个是可以用作烟幕的,但是不能用在民用区.

gazachartthurs

About 1,000 Palestinians have been killed, among them more than 400 women and children, in nearly three weeks of fighting. But Hugo Slim, author of “Killing Civilians”, a book on the suffering of civilians in war, argues that although every civilian death is a tragedy, “not every civilian death is a crime”. War crimes typically involve deliberate brutality or recklessness. The modern laws of conflict do not seek to ban war, or even to eliminate the killing of civilians; they merely seek to stop the most egregious Outstandingly badabuses and to limit harm to civilians as far as possible.在将近三周的激战中,1000多名巴勒斯坦人被杀害,其中的400人左右是女人和儿童。但是《杀害平民》的作者,HS,说尽管每个平民的死亡都是悲剧,但是不是杀害每个平民都是犯罪。现代法解决冲突并不是停止战争,或者甚至消灭平民伤亡事件,他们只是停止最过分的虐待和最大程度地限制对于平民的伤害。

Short of arguing that Israel is deliberately massacring Palestinians (if so, many more would probably have been killed and Israel’s warning leaflets would be superfluous), judging war crimes depends on the facts of specific incidents and subjective legal concepts. Is Israel discriminating between civilians and combatants? Are its actions proportionate to the military gain? And is it taking proper care to spare civilians in the crowded Strip?以色列是否故意屠杀巴勒斯坦人这个问题,是欠缺争论的(如果他们的确是故意的,可能就会有更多的巴勒斯坦人被屠杀,以色列警告加沙地带人的宣传手册就变得多余)评判战争最取决于具体事件的事实,以及主观的法律概念。以色列是不是其实平民和战斗者,他们的行动是否与军事收入呈比例?他们是不是对待进入加沙地带的平民也很照顾呢?

A British government manual on the laws of war admits that, for example, the principle of proportionality “is not always straightforward”, not least quite importantly because attempting to reduce the danger to civilians may increase the risk to one’s own forces. Moreover, if the enemy puts civilians at risk by deliberately placing military targets near them, “this is a factor to be taken into account in favour of the attackers”. 比如说,英国政府战争法的手册上承认,比例的原则并不是那么清楚和简单的,在一定程度上是因为减少平民的危险会增加自己军队的风险。同时,如果军队通过袭击他们周围的地区来让平民处于很危险的地位,这就是对于袭击者有利的因素。

Israel makes precisely such arguments. Its aggressive tactics, it says, are justified by the need to protect Israeli forces, and Hamas is to blame for civilian deaths by hiding rockets and other weapons in mosques. According to Israeli officials, Hamas’s top leaders are hiding in a bunker under the overstretched Shifa hospital (which, however, has not been attacked).以色列很简短地最初以下阐述。他们争辩说他们这样做是正义的因为他们在保护以色列的军队,而且哈马斯才应该为平民的死亡负责,因为他们在清真寺里面藏了火箭炮和其他的武器。根据以色列的官员说,哈马斯领导藏在Shifa医院的煤库里面(这个医院还没有被袭击)

The laws of war have their roots, in part, in early worries about the impact of military technology such as air bombardment and poison gases. But international law has found it easier to deal with low-tech mass killings at close quarters, as in the Rwandan genocide of 1994, than with the rights and wrongs of Western-style air campaigns. Civilians are repeatedly hit by NATO aircraft in Afghanistan, but there are only regrets, not court-martials.战争法是有根源的,在早期是担心军事技术越发高科技化,将会对人类有更加毁灭性的影响,比如说空袭,以及赌气。但是国际法发现对付封闭地区低科技的大屠杀是更容易的,比如说在处理1994年卢旺达种族屠杀的时候,国际法就有用武之地,但是对待西式空战中的是是非非中,国际法就有些力不从心了。在阿富汗平民屡屡受到北约飞机的袭击,但是只有遗憾,没有判决。

In other ways, military technology has raised the bar for what is considered acceptable. The skies above Gaza are buzzing with surveillance dronesa pilotless radio-controlled aircraft. Israeli command-and-control systems are doubtless as sophisticated as American ones, which give commanders vast digital maps in which structures are individually numbered and clearly identified if they are not to be attacked; they even have “splat” graphics to estimate the area that will be affected by a blast. Mishapsan unfortunate accident do happen; on January 5th three Israeli soldiers were killed by one of their own tanks. But without more facts, it is hard to believe the Israelis did not know about the presence of civilians at Zeitun and at the UN school.也就是说,军事科技使的什么样的袭击是可以接受的更加模糊不清。加沙的天空还充斥着战斗机的嗡嗡声。以色列的指控系统毫无疑问和美国的一样复杂,这个系统可以提供给将领很大的数码地图,在这个地图中,建筑被分别数码化也会很清楚地标明出来哪座建筑没有被袭击。他们甚至有“splat”图标来估计被炸弹袭击的区域面积。不幸的确是会发生的。153名以色列战士在他们自己的坦克中被战死。但是如果没有更多的证据,很难相信以色列不知到在ZUN学校有平民的存在。

 

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cross-border crime lecture notes

标准

types of crimes:

drug trafficking/ loan charking (a person or body that offers unsecured loans at high interest rates to individuals, often backed by blackmail or threats of violence)

fraud: 06 insurance fraud 22mainlanders made fake HKID and attempted to get medical care from the HongKong government

hijacking: the cost is high :death penalty in mainland China

illegal workers

kidnapping

money launding: hidden compartment, smuggled goods, underground banks became legalized (http://news.hexun.com/2008-07-15/107425236.html about the legalization of underground banks)

human smuggling: by 蛇头 and by fake marriage

smuggling of goods and products: advantage of transportation

meida piracy

prostitution: if mainlander prostitute in HK, he is prohibited from entring HongKong for 5 years

weapon smuggling: village made guns for great profit(one gun’s price ranges from 1500 to 3000_

art crime

pattern changed

from explicit to illicit

from poor tech to high tech

increasing illegal workers

responses from the government

jonint cooperation

PRC: local mafisa states

insufficient police manpower: recently private detective company have been recognized and auxiliary policemen system established

community groups, but abuse power

surveillance cameras in PRC

anti-gambling campaign

protective umbrella in government

regulatory state

website opinion matters

strike hard: only on main events and have temporary effect

police-population ratio SZ 16000 to 10 million HK 27000 to 6.8 million

judical reform, gradual but slow

anti-currption and lack of media scrutiny

Taiwan&China

espionage active ( spy)

Cross-border Terrorism

HK postcolonial owns great automony

criminal groups use kinship or clanship to commit a crime

economic liberalization increases the percent of crime

multi-legal jurisdiction: extradition( the surrender of an accused or convicted person by one state or country to another (usually under the provisions of a statute or treaty)

localism

龙应台 目送

标准

我慢慢地,慢慢地了解到,所谓父女母子一场,只不过意味着,你和他的缘分就是今生今世不断地在目送他的背影渐行渐远。你站立在小路的这一端,看着他逐渐消失在小路转弯的地方,而且,他用背影默默告诉你:不必送。

news translation on gaza “hundred years’ war”

标准

The Arabs and Israel

The hundred years’ war

Jan 8th 2009
From The Economist print edition

How growing rejectionism, the rise of religion, a new military doctrine and a new cold war keep peace at bay

WITH luck, the destructive two-week battle between Israel and Hamas may soon draw to an end.  幸运的是,以色列和哈马斯长达两周的战争将很快结束。But how long before the century-long war between Arabs and Jews in Palestine follows suit? 但是长达百年的阿拉伯犹太人战争将会什么时候也可以结束呢?It is hard to believe that this will happen any time soon. 很难相信这场战争会很快结束。Consider: Israel’s current operation, “Cast Lead”, marks the fourth time Israel has fought its way into Gaza. 想想吧,以色列这次的铸铅行动标志着以色列第四次攻打加沙地带。It almost captured Gaza (behind a pocket containing a young Egyptian army officer called Gamal Abdul Nasser) in 1948, in the war Israelis know as their war of independence. 在以色列自己定义的1948独立战争中,以色列几乎就要占领了加沙地带了It captured Gaza again in 1956, as part of a secret plan hatched with Britain and France to topple Nasser as Egypt’s president and restore British control of the Suez Canal. 以色列在1956年又占领了加沙地带,这也是英法对付埃及总统纳赛尔的一个秘密计划的结果,英国通过这个阴谋重新控制苏伊士运河。It invaded a third time during the six-day war of 1967—and stayed there for 38 years, until withdrawing unilaterally three and a half years ago. 在1967年,以色列第三次占领加沙地带,长达38年之久,直到三年半之前的单边撤军才结束了对于加沙地带的占领。

 

Why they fight

And Gaza, remember, is only one item in a mighty catalogue of misery, whose entries are inscribed in tears. 别忘了,加沙的血泪史,以及加沙的悲惨境遇。The Jews and Arabs of Palestine have been fighting off and on for 100 years. 巴勒斯坦的阿拉伯人还有犹太人已经为此战争了近百年。In 1909 the mostly Russian socialist idealists of the Zionist movement set up an armed group, Hashomer, to protect their new farms and villages in Palestine from Arab marauders. 在1909年俄罗斯社会理想主义者建立了复犹太国运动,建立了武装组织,hashomer来保护他们在巴勒斯坦建立的新农场和村子避免受到阿拉伯人的掠夺。Since then has come the dismal march of wars—1948, 1956, 1967, 1973, 1982, 2006 and now 2009—each seared by blood and fire into the conflicting myths and memories of the two sides. 从那以后,战争连绵不断,1948-2006 现在的战争,每一次战争都是血流成河,战火硝烟弥漫,这对于阿拉伯和犹太人都是惨痛的记忆。The intervals between the wars have not been filled by peace but by bombs, raids, uprisings and atrocities. 战争的间歇期也并非是充满和平的,相反,即使没有战争,炸弹袭击,突然袭击,暴动和残暴行动。Israeli settlers in Hebron today still cite, as if it were yesterday, the massacre of Hebron’s Jews in 1929. 在hebron的以色列人至今还觉得1929年H地方的犹太大屠杀好像就发生在昨天。The Arabs of Palestine still remember their desperate revolt in the 1930s against the British mandate and Jewish immigration from Europe, and the massacres of 1948.巴勒斯坦的阿拉伯人也仍然记得他们绝望地在1930s反抗英国委任统治权,以及犹太人从欧洲移民到巴勒斯坦地区,还有1948年的大屠杀。

The slaughter this week in Gaza, in which on one day alone some 40 civilians, many children, were killed in a single salvo of Israeli shells, will pour fresh poison into the brimming well of hate (see article). 本周在以色列对加沙地带的大屠杀中,一天就有40个无辜的平民死亡,其中很多还是孩子,这会激起新一轮的仇恨。But a conflict that has lasted 100 years is not susceptible to easy solutions or glib judgments. 但是这场持续了100年的战争并不是那么好解决的,也不是一些油腔滑舌的评判可以搞定的。Those who choose to reduce it to the “terrorism” of one side or the “colonialism” of the other are just stroking their own prejudices. 那些把事情简单地认为一方是恐怖主义,一方是殖民主义的人只是不了解情况,带着自己的立场去评判别人的事情。At heart, this is a struggle of two peoples for the same patch of land.这件事情的核心是,两群不同的人在争夺同一片土地。 It is not the sort of dispute in which enemies push back and forth over a line until they grow tired. 这不是敌人之间在界限问题上推推攘攘直到累了收场。It is much less tractable than that, because it is also about the periodic claim of each side that the other is not a people at all—at least not a people deserving sovereign statehood in the Middle East.这个问题不是那么好对付的因为这是一场由于时间不同而不同的争执,并且两方当中有一方根本就不是国家,它没有主权也没有国家。

That is one reason why this conflict grinds on remorselessly from decade to decade. 这就是为什么这场争端年年都是冷酷地进行。During eruptions of violence, the mantra of diplomats and editorialists is the need for a two-state solution. 在战争停止的间隙,外交官和撰写社论者的颂歌成为了两国解决方式的需要。It sounds so simple: if two peoples cannot share the land, they must divide it. This seemed obvious to some outsiders even before the Nazi genocide of Europe’s Jews prompted the United Nations in 1947 to call for the creation of separate Jewish and Arab states in Palestine. In 1937 a British royal commission concluded that “an irrepressible conflict has arisen between two national communities within the narrow bounds of one small country.” The answer had to be partition.这个解决途径听上去很简单:如果两个民族不可以分享土地,他们就必须要分割土地。对于一些人来讲这是很显而易见的,即使在纳粹在欧洲的犹太人种族屠杀使得联合国在1947年呼吁在巴勒斯坦建立独立的犹太国和阿拉伯国之前。在1937年一个英国的皇家专门调查委员会作出以下结论:这是一场两国国家型社会有关一个小国家的小界限之间的不可控制的争端。

The fact that the Arabs rejected the UN’s partition plan of 60 years ago has long given ideological comfort to Israel and its supporters. 在60年之前,阿拉伯拒绝联合国的土地分割计划,这给予以色列以及以色列支持者意识形态上的舒坦。Abba Eban, an Israeli foreign minister, quipped that the Palestinians “never missed an opportunity to miss an opportunity”. AE,以色列外交部长讽刺地说,巴勒斯坦人永远都不会错过 错过机会的 机会。Israel’s story is that the Arabs have muffed at least four chances to have a Palestinian state. They could have said yes to partition in 1947. They could have made peace after the war of 1947-48. They had another chance after Israel routed its neighbours in 1967 (“We are just waiting for a telephone call,” said Moshe Dayan, Israel’s hero of that war). They had yet another in 2000 when Ehud Barak, now Israel’s defence minister and then its prime minister, offered the Palestinians a state at Bill Clinton’s fateful summit at Camp David.以色列对这件事的版本是阿拉伯人已经错过至少四次建立巴勒斯坦过的机会。他们原本可以在1947年分割方案中说 好,他们本来可以在1947-48年的战争中获得和平,他们在1967年以色列赢得了邻国的接纳的时候,巴勒斯坦也有一次机会,他们在2000年也错过了克林顿在大卫营给予巴勒斯坦人建立国家的提议的机会。

This story of Israeli acceptance and Arab rejection is not just a yarn convenient to Israel’s supporters. It is worth remembering that it was not until 1988, a full 40 years after Israel’s birth, that Yasser Arafat’s Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) renounced its goal of liberating the whole of Palestine from the river to the sea. All the same, the truth is much more shaded than the Israeli account allows. There have been missed opportunities, and long periods of rejection, on Israel’s part, too.以色列接受,阿拉伯反对,不知是一个对于以色列支持者有利的故事。值得记住的是,知道以色列建国40年以后,阿拉法特的巴勒斯坦解放组织才放弃了解放整个巴勒斯坦的决定。真理却没有像以色列的描述那样明朗,以色列同时也错过了很多机会。

Look again at those missed opportunities. At the time of the UN partition resolution, the Jews of Palestine numbered only 600,000 and the Arabs more than twice that number. Most of the Jews were incomers. Although partition might have been the wiser choice for the Palestinians, it did not strike them as remotely fair. In the subsequent war, more than 600,000 of Palestine’s Arabs fled or were put to flight. Afterwards, disinclined either to take them back or return the extra land it had gained in battle, Israel was relieved that the Arab states, traumatised by the rout, made no serious offer of peace. Many of the refugees have been stuck ever since in a sad finger of dunes, the Gaza Strip, pointing at the bright lights of Tel Aviv.在看看这些错过的机会。UN放出决议的时候,巴勒斯坦的犹太人只有六十万,阿拉伯人是这个数字的两倍还要多。犹太人中的大多数是外来移民。尽管对于巴勒斯坦人来讲,分割计划是个比较明智的决定,但是这个计划远非公平。在接下去的战争中,超过六十万的巴勒斯坦阿拉伯人从那里仓皇逃走。之后虽然以色列不情愿地让这些移民在回来,并且把他们在战争中得到的土地归还给巴勒斯坦人,他们还是很欣慰,因为这些受到战争伤害的阿拉伯国家也不会对和平进程很认真。很多难民都被堵在了加沙地带。

When Israel fell in love

After the ignominious defeat of 1967, the Arab states again rejected the idea of peace with Israel. That was, indeed, a wasted opportunity. But even though the Israel of 1967 discussed how much of the West Bank it was ready to trade for peace, the Likud governments of the late 1970s and 1980s wanted it all. For Israel fell in love with the territories it had occupied.

This was the period of Israeli rejection. Israeli prime ministers such as Menachem Begin and Yitzhak Shamir asserted a God-given right to a “greater Israel” that included the West Bank and Gaza Strip, in which Israeli governments of all stripes continued to plant (illegal) settlements. In some Israeli minds the Palestinians became a non-people, to be fobbed off with self-government under Israeli or perhaps Jordanian supervision. It took an explosion of Palestinian resistance, in the intifada (uprising) of the late 1980s and the far more lethal one of 2001-03, to convince Israel that this was an illusion.What bearing does all this history have on the foul events unfolding right now in Gaza? The point is that there have been precious few moments over the past century during which both sides have embraced the idea of two states at the same time. The most promising moment of all came at the beginning of this decade, with Mr Clinton’s near-miss at Camp David. But now, with the rise of Hamas and the war in Gaza, the brief period of relative hope is in danger of flickering out.

If rejection of the other side’s national claims is one of the things that make this conflict so hard to end, the other is religion. The two are tied together. Hamas is a religious movement, and its formal creed is to reject the possibility of Jewish statehood not only because of Israel’s alleged sins but also because there is no place for a Jewish state in a Muslim land.

In Israel’s early life Zionism was a mainly secular movement and the dominant force on the other side was a secular Arab nationalism. Since 1967, however, religion, nationalism and hunger for Palestinians’ land have fused to create a powerful constituency in Israel dedicated to retaining control of the whole of Jerusalem and Judaism’s holy places on the West Bank. Israel’s system of proportional voting has given the settlers and zealots a chokehold over politics. Among Arabs secular nationalism is meanwhile waning in the face of a powerful Islamic revival through the region. And a central dogma of the Islamists is that Israel is an implant that must be violently resisted and eventually destroyed.

One far-seeing Zionist, Vladimir Jabotinsky, predicted in the 1930s not only that the Arabs would oppose the swamping of Palestine with Jewish immigrants but also that “if we were Arabs, we would not accept it either”. In order to survive, the Jews would have to build an “iron wall” of military power until the Arabs accepted their state’s permanence. And this came to pass. Only after several costly wars did Egypt and later the PLO conclude that, since Israel could not be vanquished, they had better cut a deal. In Beirut in 2002 all the Arab states followed suit, offering Israel normal relations in return for its withdrawal from all the occupied territories, an opening which Israel was foolish to neglect.

The depressing thing about the rise of Hamas and the decline of the Fatah wing of the PLO is that it reverses this decades-long trend. Hamas’s victory in the Palestinian elections of 2006 had many causes, including a reputation for honesty. Its victory did not prove that Palestinians had been bewitched by Islamist militancy or come to believe again in liberating all of Palestine by force. But if you take seriously what Hamas says in its charter, Hamas itself does believe this. So does Hizbullah, Lebanon’s “Party of God”; and so does a rising and soon perhaps nuclear-armed Iran. Some analysts take heart from Hamas’s offer of a 30-year truce if Israel returns to its 1967 borders. But it has never offered permanent recognition.

There is worse. On top of the return to rejection and the growing role of religion, a third new obstacle to peace is the apparent crumbling of Jabotinsky’s iron wall.

In Lebanon three years ago, and today in Gaza, Hizbullah and Hamas seem to have invented a new military doctrine. Israel has deterred its enemies mainly by relying on a mighty conventional army to react with much greater force to any provocation. But non-state actors are harder to deter. Hizbullah and Hamas, armed by Iran with some modern weapons, can burrow inside the towns and villages of their own people while lobbing rockets at Israel’s. A state that yearns for a semblance of normality between its wars cannot let such attacks become routine. That is why today, as in the 1950s, Israel responds to pinpricks with punitive raids, each of which had the potential to flare into war. Israel’s operation in Gaza is designed not only to stop Hamas’s rockets but to shore up a doctrine on which Israel thinks its safety must still be based.

At Camp David in 2000 Israel and the Palestinians discovered that even with goodwill it is hard to agree terms. How to share Jerusalem? What to offer the refugees who will never go home? How can Israel trust that the land it vacates is not used, as Gaza has been, as a bridgehead for further struggle? But—and this is the fourth thing that keeps the battle alive—the two sides are seldom left alone to tackle these core issues.

For too long the conflict in Palestine was a hostage to the cold war. America was once neutral: it was Eisenhower who forced Israel out of Gaza (and Britain out of Egypt) after Suez. But America later recruited Israel as an ally, and this suited the Israelis just fine. It gave them the support of a superpower whilst relieving them of a duty to resolve the quarrel with the Palestinians, even though their own long-term well-being must surely depend on solving that conflict.

It may be no coincidence that some of the most promising peacemaking between Israel and the Palestinians took place soon after the cold war ended. But now a new sort of geopolitical confrontation stalks the region, one that sets America against Iran, and the Islamist movements Iran supports against the Arab regimes in America’s camp. With Hamas inside Iran’s tent and Fatah in America’s, the Palestinians are now facing a paralysing schism.

And so to Gaza

Tzipi Livni, Israel’s foreign minister, has been saying all week that, although Israel’s immediate aim is to stop the rocket fire and not to topple Hamas, there can be no peace, and no free Palestine, while Hamas remains in control. She is right that with Hamas in power in Gaza the Islamists can continue to wreck any agreement Israel negotiates with Mahmoud Abbas, the president of the Fatah-dominated Palestinian Authority on the West Bank. Mr Abbas, along with Egypt’s President Hosni Mubarak, may quietly relish Hamas being taken down a peg. Egypt is furious at Hamas’s recent refusal to renew talks with Fatah about restoring a Palestinian unity government.以色列的外交部长整周都在说,即使以色列直接的目的是停止空袭不摧毁哈马斯,对于巴勒斯坦人也没有和平和自由而言,因为哈马斯掌权是最大的危险。她是对的,哈马斯在加沙地带掌权,伊斯兰狂热分子就会继续破坏任何以色列和阿巴斯达成的协议。阿巴斯,和埃及总统,会悄悄地看着哈马斯被降级。埃及对于哈马斯最近拒绝新一轮和法塔赫讨论巴勒斯坦统一政府的行径深表不满。

There is a limit, however. Taking Hamas down a peg is one thing. But even in the event of Israel “winning” in Gaza, a hundred years of war suggest that the Palestinians cannot be silenced by brute force. Hamas will survive, and with it that strain in Arab thinking which says that a Jewish state does not belong in the Middle East. To counter that view, Israel must show not only that it is too strong to be swept away but also that it is willing to give up the land—the West Bank, not just Gaza—where the promised Palestinian state must stand. Unless it starts doing that convincingly, at a minimum by freezing new settlement, it is Palestine’s zealots who will flourish and its peacemakers who will fall back into silence. All of Israel’s friends, including Barack Obama, should be telling it this.但是也是有限制的,看着哈马斯颓废是一件是。但是即使以色列在加沙地带取得了胜利,近百年的战争说明了巴勒斯坦人是不会被粗暴的武力吓到的。哈马斯仍然存在,而且有了哈马斯就限制阿拉伯的思考,犹太国家不属于中东。为了挑战这个观点以色列必须证明,他们很强大,是赶不走的,同时他们愿意放弃西岸,而不仅仅是加沙地点,因为他们许诺巴勒斯坦国必须也要存在。除非他们开始这样做,巴勒斯坦人是不会回到和平谈判中来的。犹太国家的朋友必须要告诉以色列这样的事实。

idiom

标准

clam up  : refuse to speak ,especially when sb asks you about sth

stoic:a person who is able to suffer pain or trouble without complaining or showing what they are feeling

wandering hand: a person, usually a man, who has wandering hands often tries to touch other peopel for sexual excitement.

freak sb out: if sb freaks or if sth freaks them, they react very strongly to sth that makes them suddenly feel shocked, surprised, frightened, etc

hog: a pig, especially one that is kept and made fat for eating.

fall out: the bad results of  a situation or an action; dangerous raioactive dust that is in the air after a nuclear explosion

security blanket: any familiar object which presence provides security to its owner, especially small children.

parole: permission that is given to a risoner to leave prison before the end of their sentence on condition that they behave well.

catch me off guard: surprise someone

you see right through me!: understand the hidden truth of someone or something

活在哪里?

标准

看过霸王别姬,有太多值得回味和思考的地方。时代在更迭,当爷的成了疯子,以前的主子成了死路一条的人民敌人。观众在改变,宫廷的祖宗,日本鬼子,国民党官兵,人民解放军,劳动人民。自始至终,豆子还是豆子,蝶衣还是蝶衣,但是石头还是石头,小楼不是那个小楼了。在豆子的世界里,只有一出戏,不管什么时代,他的世界都只是这么干净。为了戏,他可以什么都不要。太投入的人生对于他人看来是愚蠢,对于自己是享受,但是这种享受是以孤独和痛苦为代价的。蝶衣的痴狂实在是因为痴狂的种子实在是有太肥沃的泥土了。儿时双手冻得冰凉被亲生母亲切掉了第六根手指,在戏园子受尽了皮肉之苦,有了太多要当名角儿的期望,他的一生,只学过一部戏,那就是霸王别姬,小楼是霸王,蝶衣是虞姬。

小楼不是真霸王,因为小楼愿意苟且地活着,小楼的男儿气概只是戏份不是真实的。而蝶衣是真虞姬,又是假虞姬。蝶衣想跟着小楼唱戏唱一辈子,其他什么都不去管。这本就是一个女娇娥的想法,我想只有女人才会因为一个人而放弃自己其他的全部,男人不会,男人更加现实,更能分得清楚究竟什么是真什么是假,什么值得坚持,什么可以毫无留恋地放弃。但是男人并不是永远都是对的。当你追着潮流的时候,却发现自己永远都是时代的奴隶,没有了真实的自我。蝶衣脸上的表情让我觉得他时而是比男人要坚强一万倍的。他的面无表情,他的镇定,他在舞台上熄灯之后仍然忘情的表演,让葛优演的袁四爷感到恍惚,也恍惚了我。常听说柔中带刚,不知道柔中带刚有没有不矫情版本的,看看蝶衣我知道答案是肯定的。如果他可以为了戏不要命,又何必用一些没有命重要的东西去威胁他呢?

简单的人生,复杂的社会。或者是复杂的人性,简单的社会。角色扮演,是自己还是别人,是自己喜欢的自己,还是别人喜欢的自己。对于自我的认知,永远都不简单。

前不久的psycho,看得我胆战心惊,晚上倚着墙开着两盏灯昏睡过去。仔细想想,起码人的双重性被一个夸张的形式展现在了观众的面前。他演给别人看,我们每个人演给自己看。他已经把自己的另一半誊出来给了他苛刻的母亲。他的母亲进驻了他的身体,成为了支配他的力量。他的存在还有何种价值?哦,他起码还有一种价值,那就是让自己母亲的精神获得延续。但是等等,他还有自己的另一半,那个另一半是年轻人的欲望,年轻人对美的渴求,年轻人旺盛的精力,当这个年轻的一半开始被母亲的一半支配的时候,不和谐的统一,矛盾的争端,最后造成的是无辜人的死亡。如果善良美好也是一个人离开人世的原因,那么这个人世就不值得留恋了,那个导致善良美好离开人世的人或物,也最好知足地让自己获得新的重生,或者死得干净。

peace progress

标准

Palestinian views of the peace process

See Palestinian views of the peace process

Palestinians have held diverse views and perceptions of the peace process. 巴勒斯坦人对于和平进程有着多样化的认知和观点。A key starting point for understanding these views is an awareness of the differing objectives sought by advocates of the Palestinian cause. 要想了解这些观点,必须要先知道巴勒斯坦事业的倡导人的目的是什么。’New Historian‘ Israeli academic Ilan Pappe says the cause of the conflict from a Palestinian point of view dates back to 1948 with the creation of Israel (rather than Israel’s views of 1967 being the crucial point and the return of occupied territories being central to peace negotiations),巴勒斯坦人认为争端起始与1948年以色列的建立(而以色列认为1967年是很关键的,起因是被侵占的领土成为和平谈判的中心,1967年的六日战争中,以色列占领了约旦河西岸和加沙地带,还有东耶路撒冷 and that the conflict has been a fight to bring home refugees to a Palestinian state.[2]  这次冲突成为成为一场战争,其目的是把难民转移到巴勒斯坦。Therefore this for some was the ultimate aim of the peace process and for groups such as Hamas still is.所以,这对于一些人来说,是和平进程的最终目标,这也是哈马斯这种组织的目标。 However Slater says that this ‘maximalist’ view of a destruction of Israel in order to regain Palestinian lands, a view held by Arafat and the PLO initially, has steadily moderated from the late 1960s onwards to a preparedness to negotiate and instead seek a two-state solution.[3] 但是slater说这是一中倡导直接激进的行动而达到目标的人的观点,在这个观点中,就像阿拉法特和帕勒斯坦民族解放运动最初的想法一样,是为了彻底摧毁以色列来得到巴勒斯坦的土地,从20世纪70年代末期以来这种观点渐渐调整成为一种准备谈判的状态而非寻找两个国家的解决方法(即阿拉伯世界的人建国巴勒斯坦)。The Oslo Accords (巴勒斯坦政权的地位被承认,并且让以色列撤出加沙地带和约旦河西岸地区)demonstrated the recognition of this acceptance by the then Palestinian leadership of the state of Israel’s right to exist in return for the withdrawal of Israeli forces from the Gaza Strip and West Bank. oslo accord表明巴勒斯坦接受以色列政权的存在,但是这是建立在以色列军队撤出约旦河和西岸地区为起初之上的。However there are recurrent themes prevalent throughout peace process negotiations including a feeling that Israel offers too little and a mistrust of its actions and motives.但是在和平进程的谈判中,很多人仍然认为以色列不诚恳也不值得信任。

Israeli views of the peace process

See Israeli views of the peace process

There are several Israeli views of the peace process. 在以色列方面也有很多有关和平进程的看法。One Israeli view is that the conflict stems from the 1967 Six Day War and consequently the peace process should stem from this and thus have negotiated on the basis of giving up some control of the occupied territories in return for a stop to the conflict and violence.[7] 有一种观点是冲突起源于1967年的六日战争,所以和平进程应该起源于此,在放弃一些占领地区统治的基础之上换取冲突和暴力的终止。Hardliners believe that no territorial concessions should be given to Palestinians and want to maintain an Israeli sovereign state over the whole area it currently occupies, 态度强硬这认为不应该给巴勒斯坦人领土上的退让,并且维持以色列国家对于整片区域的控制,or if it does negotiate with territory in the peace process only with the Gaza Strip.[4] 或者只能就加沙地带问题上进行会谈。Israelis view the peace process as hindered and near impossible due to terrorism on the part of Palestinians and do not trust Palestinian leadership to maintain control.[4] 以色列的观点是和平会谈是受到阻碍的而且几乎是不可能的因为巴勒斯坦方面的恐怖主义,以色列人不信任巴勒斯坦现在的领导人还可以维护自己的统治地位。In fact, Pedahzur goes as far as to say that suicide terrorism succeeded where peace negotiations failed in encouraging withdrawal by Israelis from cities in the West Bank.[8]事实上,P在和平谈判没有使以色列从西岸的城市撤退,那么自杀式恐怖袭击就获得了胜利。The Oslo Accords and the Camp David 2000 summit negotiations revealed the possibility of a two state system being accepted as a possible peace solution by Israeli leadership. Oslo Accords 和 camp david 2000 summit会谈表明两国系统体制的可行性。However the violence of the second intifada has strengthened the resolve that peace and negotiation is not possible and a two state system is not the answer [4] 但是第二次巴勒斯坦崛起中的暴力强调了和平谈判不能解决问题,并且两国系统并不是一个解决问题的好方法,两国体系在后来被哈马斯所利用。which is further enforced by the coming to power of Hamas. A common theme throughout the peace process has been a feeling that the Palestinians ask for too much in their peace demands and offer little in return. 所有以色列的观点都认为在和平进程中巴勒斯坦贪得无厌,于是以色列就置之不理。

US views of the peace process

There are many divergent views on the peace process held by US officials, citizens and lobbying groups. 在美国的官员,公民,和联盟中,对于和平进程的观点有很大的分歧。The US government has contributed significant levels of financial and military support to Israel for decades. 美国政府给予以色列数十年的大额的财政和军事支持。US aid to Israel exceeds the amount of foreign aid that the US provides to any other country. 美国对于以色列的帮助超过了美国对其他任何国家的援助。In 2002, the US began providing limited financial assistance to the Palestinian Authority (about $100 million annually), and has encouraged European nations to contribute as well, leading to a total contribution of more than one billion dollars.在2002年,美国开始对巴勒斯坦政权提供有线的财政援助,(每年100美金,),并且美国鼓励欧洲国家对巴勒斯坦政权的援助,这样一来,总共对于巴勒斯坦政权的援助超过了10亿美元。

The US has veto power in the UN Security Council and is able to block resolutions it opposes, and it has frequently vetoed resolutions critical of Israel’s actions, while criticizing other nations for similar actions. This has been made explicit by the Negroponte doctrine – that the US will veto any resolution criticising Israel that does not also equally criticise terrorism, and actions of Arab groups it deems to be terrorist.美国在联合国安理会中有否决权,所以可以屏蔽任何他不同意的决议,如果决议对以色列的行动不利,美国是不会让这样的决议通过的。在2002年,美国大使Negroponte提出了N主义,明确表明,美国会否决任何只批评以色列不批评恐怖主义以及阿拉伯世界恐怖主义行动的决议。

  • “The United States will always stand with Israel, always remember that only a strong Israel can make peace. That is why we were, after all, your partners in security before we were partners for peace; our commitment to your security is ironclad — it will not ever change.” — U.S. President Bill Clinton, 13 December 1998. 美国总统克林顿: 美国将永远支持以色列,并且相信只有一个强大的以色列才可以创造和平。这就是我们为什么我们先是安全上的伙伴,然后再是和平上的伙伴,我们对于你们安全的使命是不容置疑和不会改变的。
  • “Israel is entitled to the land they have. . . it should not be a part of the peace process.”US Senator James Inhofe, 美国议员: 以色列理应拥有他们的土地,土地问题不应该是和平进程中的一个方面)February 2002.[citation needed]
  • “Israel has got responsibilities. Israel must deal with the settlements. Israel must make sure there is a contiguous territory that the Palestinians can call home.”U.S. President George W. Bush, 3 June 2003.[citation needed]以色列有了责任,必须好好解决安置问题,以色列必须确定以色列的土地巴勒斯坦人也能称之为家
  • “Palestinian leaders must bring an end to the violence against Israelis, and find a way, with the help of others, to rein in militant groups. Israel must be prepared to meet its obligations, as outlined in the Bush administration’s road map, and in the Mitchell plan, with respect to settlements.”2004 U.S. Presidential candidate John Kerry, 17 October 2003. 巴勒斯坦领导人必须终止对以色列人的暴力,然后在别人的帮助下,巩固军事力量。以色列必须准备面对他的责任,正如布什政府所提出的方案,和马歇尔计划来安置处置问题。

All recent US Presidents have maintained a policy that Israel must give up some of the land that it conquered in the 1967 war in order to achieve peace;[citation needed] that the Palestinians must actively prevent terrorism; and that Israel has an unconditional right to exist 所有最近的美国总统都维持了以色列必须放弃他们在1967年战争中获得的这样才可以换来和平,这样巴勒斯坦人才能积极地阻止恐怖主义,以色列的存在是无条件的。

The Security Council, Resolution 242

Expressing its continuing concern with the grave situation in the Middle East, 表达对于中东严峻问题的担心

Emphasizing the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war and the need to work for a just and lasting peace in which every State in the area can live in security,强调通过战争获得领土的不合法性,强调为了正义和长久和平而努力的必要,确保在每个地区的人都生活在安全之中。

Emphasizing further that all Member States in their acceptance of the Charter of the United Nations have undertaken a commitment to act in accordance with Article 2 of the Charter,更深层强调所有接受联合国宪章的成员国遵循宪章第二条行使使命。

1. Affirms that the fulfillment of Charter principles requires the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East which should include the application of both the following principles:  确保宪章原则的实现需要中东地区正义和长久和平的建立,需要做到以下几点
(i) Withdrawal of Israel armed forces from territories occupied in the recent conflict; 以色列武装部队从近期冲突中占领的撤军
(ii) Termination of all claims or states of belligerency and respect for and acknowledgement of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of every State in the area and their right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries free from threats or acts of force;  交战双方停止交战状态,并且尊重对方的主权,领土完整,政治独立,以及那些生活在被承认的边界地区的人们生活在和平与安全当中,不受威胁和战争的危害。
2. Affirms further the necessity  更加确保以下几点的必要
(a) For guaranteeing freedom of navigation through international waterways in the area; 在这个地区国际航道上航行的自由
(b) For achieving a just settlement of the refugee problem; 解决难民安置的问题
(c) For guaranteeing the territorial inviolability and political independence of every State in the area, through measures including the establishment of demilitarized zones; 领土不容侵犯,通过建立无军事区来确保政治独立,
3. Requests the Secretary-General to designate a Special Representative to proceed to the Middle East to establish and maintain contacts with the States concerned in order to promote agreement and assist efforts to achieve a peaceful and accepted settlement in accordance with the provisions and principles in this resolution; 要求秘书长任命特派员去中东,依照临时条列以及决议书中的原则,建立和维持相关国家之间的联系来确保一致协定的实施并且协助完成安全的可接受的处置方式
4. Requests the Secretary-General to report to the Security Council on the progress of the efforts of the Special Representative as soon as possible. 要求秘书长向安理会报告特派员在此过程中的进程。
Argentina attitudes on gaza:

Argentina’s representative said, however, that Israel’s proposal to implement a ceasefire for a few hours “was by all means unacceptable” since it could not contribute in any meaningful way to resolving the grave and urgent humanitarian needs of the Palestinian population.  “What is needed in this hour is the permanent and unconditional end of all hostilities,” he said, stressing that the alarming developments in Gaza had starkly revealed that innocent civilians were the main victims of the violence and military actions.

JORGE ARGÜELLO ( Argentina) said the recent alarming developments in Gaza had starkly revealed that innocent civilians, especially Palestinians, were the main victims of the violence and military actions.  The Government of Argentina had condemned Israel’s ground invasion as well as its disproportionate use of force.  It had likewise condemned continued rocket attacks against Israel by Palestinian groups.  Despite ringing calls to halt the violence, hostilities had instead intensified over the past few days.  Just yesterday, some 40 civilians had been killed following Israeli attacks against schools operated by the United Nations.  Argentina condemned those attacks “most energetically” and urged the launching of an independent investigation to determine responsibility and ensure that such actions were not repeated. Argentina was preparing a huge humanitarian package and was willing to join broader international efforts to that end.  Still, such efforts would be useless if the assistance did not arrive on the ground immediately to alleviate the suffering of thousands of Palestinian women, men and children, who were suffering gravely.  “This is why it is urgent to declare a ceasefire so that humanitarian agencies may enter the territory and start their work.”

Arab states in Gaza crisis talks

标准

 

Arab foreign ministers have gathered for crisis talks on the deadly stand-off in the Palestinian territories, amid dire warnings about the consequences of Hamas’s seizure of the Gaza Strip. 阿拉伯外交部大臣们已经召集在一起就以色列巴勒斯坦冲突问题展开会谈,会谈的焦点在于巴勒斯坦领土问题的僵持,和有关哈马斯占领加沙地带的警告。

Ministers were originally due to meet on Saturday at the request of Lebanon to discuss the latest in a spate of killings of anti-Syrian politicians there. 大臣们原本是应黎巴嫩的邀请于星期六讨论反叙利亚政客的一系列谋杀的最新进展的。

But they agreed to bring their meeting forward after Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas dissolved a three-month-old power-sharing Government on Thursday and the Islamists of Hamas seized control of the Gaza Strip. 但是大臣们认为应该把之前的会议搁置, 因为巴勒斯坦总统阿巴斯于星期四解散了旧的权力分担政府,哈马斯控制了加沙地带。

Ahead of the meeting, Arab League ambassadors appealed to both Hamas and Abbas’s secular Fatah faction to return to Egyptian-sponsored reconciliation talks.  在会议之前,阿拉伯联盟大臣呼吁哈马斯和阿巴斯的世俗法塔赫派别重新回到由埃及赞助的和谈当中来。

Egypt had been trying to broker a face-to-face meeting between the two sides after a series of separate talks last week, but the breakdown of that effort was swiftly followed by the latest bout of fighting, in which at least 113 people have been killed.  在上周的几次分别的对话之后,埃及试图和两方面对面会谈,但是努力失败之后,最新一轮的交战随之而来,导致至少113人伤亡。

“Its failure, God forbid, will have deeply negative consequences,” the ambassadors warned on Thursday. 周四大使们警告。这次失败将导致很严重的负面影响。

But as they met, Hamas fighters were taking over all remaining institutions loyal to Mr Abbas in Gaza, and the final routing of his supporters in the territory during the night left the ambassadors’ call looking a forlorn hope.  但是在他们开会的同时,哈马斯已经占领了加沙地带所有对阿巴斯忠诚的机构,并且彻底打败了阿巴斯的支持者,这事就是发生在大使们期待着难以实现的希望。

State of emergency

 

Egypt called on Hamas to accept Mr Abbas’s presidential prerogative after he declared a state of emergency and dissolved both Parliament and the Government on Thursday, pending fresh elections. 埃及呼吁哈马斯在阿巴斯宣布紧急状态和解散国会和政府之后,仍然接受总统的权利,一直到新一轮的选举为止。

Foreign Minister Ahmed Abul Gheit stressed the need to “respect legitimate Palestinian institutions, abide by a unified Palestinian decision, and respect the Palestinian National Authority… and its President, Mahmoud Abbas.” 外交大臣AAG 强调尊重巴勒斯坦政府的合法性,遵守巴勒斯坦共同的决定和国家的权威,和总统阿巴斯。

The head of the Fatah delegation to the Egyptian-brokered talks, former deputy premier Azzam al-Ahmed, was to represent the Palestinians at Friday’s ministers’ meeting. 在埃及会谈中的法塔赫代表团团长AA将于周五的部长级会议中代表巴勒斯坦。

King Abdullah II of Jordan said he hoped the feuding sides would “engage in dialogue to come to an agreement to avert an explosive situation.” 约旦国王Abdullah二世说他希望长期争斗的两方将参与到对话当中来,达成一致去扭转这一触即发的局面。

In a telephone call with Mr Abbas on Thursday, he warned that the factional fighting “only serves the interests of the Palestinian enemies.” 在他于周四和阿巴斯的电话通话中,他警告派别争斗只对巴勒斯坦的敌人有好处。

Organisation of the Islamic Conference secretary general Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu has called for a return to talks. 伊斯兰会议组织的秘书长EI 呼吁大家回到对话中来。

“Palestinian political leaders must face up to their responsibility and control the fighting groups [and] resume open dialogue,” he said. 巴勒斯坦的领导人必须面对责任并且控制交战双方,开启新一轮对话。

Newspapers’ concerns

 

Arab newspapers have expressed concern that Hamas’s seizure of Gaza will merely play into the hands of Israel, giving it a pretext to spurn peace talks with the Palestinians and press ahead with settlement of the occupied West Bank. 阿拉伯的报纸已经表达了担忧,哈马斯占领加沙地带只会给以色列机会,给它接口去拒绝与巴勒斯坦就以被占领的约旦河西岸问题的处置的会谈。

The effective creation of two rival Palestinian governments will give Israel “more excuses to reject peace initiatives, on the pretext of the absence of a Palestinian partner,” warned the Qatari daily Al-Raya. 巴勒斯坦敌对政府只会有效地给以色列更多的接口拒绝和平会谈,因为他们有理由说他们的巴勒斯坦的合作伙伴不在场。 Qatari daily 的AL 说。

“There will be no victor or vanquished in the infighting between Fatah and Hamas, all will be defeated, and only the flag of the Zionist entity will be fluttering,” the paper warned.  在法塔赫和哈马斯之间没有赢家,只有犹太人(以色列人)才是真正的赢家。

An opinion piece in the pan-Arab daily Al-Hayat appealed to Hamas not to torpedo Palestinian national unity for the sake of power in tiny and impoverished Gaza.  有一条在泛阿拉伯日报的意见是 哈马斯不要只是为了小小的加沙地带,彻底破坏国家的统一,这是拾了芝麻丢了西瓜。

“Hamas’s options will from now on be limited to the huge prison camp that is Gaza,” warned columnist Maher Ossman. 评论员说哈马斯的选择将会从现在限制在加沙地带的监狱营中。

“It would be disgraceful if Hamas’s ambitions were confined to a trivial mini-state which will most likely be ignored,” he added, calling for “a common national platform that would give the Palestinians a united voice.”如果哈马斯为了一个微不足道的地方而不顾一切的话,哈马斯将得不到人的尊重,评论员希望有全体巴勒斯坦人来做决定。